Vol. II. No. III.
Whole No. 15.
"Mr. Stout, [one of the committee who condemned Amos Dressar,] on this
•ccasion, told me that the scene represented in the cut [abore] was one- of by-
no means unfrequent occurrence— that it was accurate in all its parts, and that
he had witnessed it again and a?ain."— Amos Dresser's Narrative.
The Humanity of the Africo-Amer- | The Disruption of Family ties,
icans, . ■ . . . . 1 Correction, . ... 12
The Consistency of Lafayette, . 7 j Receipts, lb.
NEW- YORK :
PUBLISHED BY R. G. WILLIAMS,
FOR THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
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For the Record.
FACTS WORTH REMEMBERING.
[Oh y the fanatics !]
Dr. Adam Smith, as early as 1759, held up the people of color in an
honorable, and their tyrants, in a degrading light.
John Wesley, in 1774, undertook the cause of the poor people of
The Abbe' Proyart, in 1776, published at Paris his History of Lo-
ango, and other kingdoms in Africa, in which he did ample justice to
the moral and intellectual character of the natives there.
David Hartley, M. P., son of Dr. D.H., made amotion in the House
of Commons, in 1776, "That the Slave-trade was contrary to the laws
of God, and the rights of men."
Dr. Gregory, in 1784, in his Essays Historical and Moral, gave a
circumstantial account of the Slave-trade, and expressed his abhor-
rence of it.
James Ramsay, Vicar of Treston in Kent, Eng., became an able,
zealous, and indefatigable patron of the cause of the people of color in
M. Necker, in 1785, in his work on the French Finances, came out
in the cause of the people of color. [His grand-daughter is the present
Dutchess de Broglie, wife of the Prime minister of France, a pious
lady and an abolitionist.]
The poet Cowper, in 1785, uttered his sentiments in regard to the
cruel system of slavery.
George Fox, the founder of the society of friends, took strong and
decided ground against the slave-trade.
Richard Baxter left Ins testimony against the wicked traffic in
Anthony Benezet, was born at St. duintin, in Picardy, France, and
died in Philadelphia, in 1784. He was one of the most zealous, vigi-
lant, and active advocates which the cause of the oppressed people of
color ever had.
George Whitfield, in 1789, turned the attention of many to the hard
case of the people of color.
Dr. Benj. Rush, of Philadelphia, purchased a pew in St. Thomas's
Church, (colored) and attended public worship with the oppressed
people of color. In consequence he lost half his practice, but after-
wards public opinion changed, and he recovered his professional bu-
Mr. Roscoe, of Liverpool, Eng., wrote a Poem, about forty years
ago, entitled " The wrongs of Africa," and gave the profits of it to the
Committee of Inquiry into the condition of the people of color.
Mirabeau, in 1789, lent his whole strength and influence to the
cause of the people of color.
Mr. Wedgwood made his manufactory of earthen ware, contribute
to the cause of the oppressed during the early struggle of the aboli-
tionists in England.
Vol. II. No. III.
Whole No. 15.
[See page 3.J
THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO- AMERICANS.
Variety, governed by order, characterizes the works of God. No
two individuals of his innumerable creatures are precisely alike, yet
the diversity has its fixed and impassable limits. God's creatures are
arranged into classes, easily to be distinguished. The human race,
though exhibiting in its multiplied tribes a wonderful variety of exter-
nal appearance, stands distinguished from all the other tenants of our
globe by a peculiar, inalienable and ineffaceable glory. This noble
peculiarity, in whatever places, or circumstances, or degree it may be
found, is obviously one and the same. It is the expansible soul.
It is that spark of celestial fire — feeble and glimmering at first — which
kindles under the breath of education — nay, which, if not forcibly
smothered, bursts forth spontaneously in the glorious forms of imagi-
nation, reason, conscience. It is that IMAGE OF JEHOVAH which
lays claim to an eternity of existence by its capacity for an eternal
2 THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICAXS. [26
Observe, it is the capacity for improvement, and not the improve-
ment itself which constitutes the badge and birth-right of our race.
It is not for one tribe of men to degrade another from the ranks of
humanity, for falling below its own standard of acquirement ; nor
can any one justly plume itself upon a superiority of natural endow-
ments, inasmuch as the endowment itself is from its very nature im-
measurable, being a capacity for indefinite enlargement. As well
might the hoary sage speak of the little child as the connecting link
between himself and the brute, as the enlightened nation hold such
language in regard to the most savage horde. He that has a SOUL,
whatever may be said of its present powers, is the possessor of an
immortal, illimitable, inestimable thing — he is no more to be compared
with the brute than eternity with a day.
It is not the design of this article to prove that the Africans are
really men. If there are any who doubt their manhood, it cannot be
for the want of evidence. Nor is it designed to cite examples to show
the intellectual equality of that race with the white. This matter is
of little consequence in relation to the great question of Slavery,
But the moral traits of the African character* deserve a thorough in-
We well know what can be said of the selfishness and ferocity of
savages. This is a world in ruins — and we never fail to find sin de-
veloping itself in proportion to temptation. But considering the cir-
cumstances in which our colored brethren have been placed, there
are traits in their character which must commend themselves to us as
good and noble. Their mildness, fidelity and generosity take away
all excuse from their ruthless oppressors. It is the glory of Chris-
tianity that it teaches its disciples to return good for evil. But what
Christian nation can show more or nobler instances of this virtue than
the poor, despised, enslaved Africo- Americans ? How few are the
insurrections and revolts recorded in the history of African slavery !
The insurrections that have occured, too, have often been rendered
abortive by the affection of some favorite slave for the family of his
master. We often hear the slaveholders themselves boast, that in
case of insurrection, their slaves would be the first to rally in their
defence. This in many instances may be true : but it must not be
taken as a proof that the masters have dealt justly with their slaves,
much less that slavery itself is a good thing. The truth is, that the
* This whole subject is admirably handled in the seventh chapter of Mrs.
Child's " Appeal in behalf of that class of Americans called Africans."
27] THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICANS. 3
colored man never forgets a favor. He is chained by kindness, and
will cheerfully give up some of his rights, provided the rest are re-
spected. A traveller in South Africa, relates that a party of Dutch
boors had captured five of the natives, and finding it troublesome to
convey them to the colony, resolved to shoot them. Four of them
were despatched, but the fifth, a woman, clung to her captor so closely
that it was impossible to shoot her without endangering his life. He
at length interceded for her, and she was carried to the colony, where
she seived in his family during a long life with the utmost fidelity,
never ceasing to regard him as her greatest benefactor.
Whatever may be said of the affection of the slave for his master,
he cherishes no good will towards the system under which he is held.
This is strikingly illustrated by the fact that the best treated slaves
have joined ardently in revolt, while at the same time they have been
willing to peril their lives to save their own masters. A remarkable
instance is related by Bryan Edwards in his History of St. Domingo.
It occurred during the dreadful rebellion of 1791. As he wrote in
favor of slavery, was on the spot directly after the occurrence, and
received all his facts from the whites who would not have given to the
blacks any credit which was not due to them, his statement may be
confidently relied on.
" Amidst these scenes of horror, one instance, however, occurs of
such fidelity and attachment in a negro, as is equally unexpected and
affecting. Monsieur and Madame Baillon, their daughter and son-
in-law, and two white servants, residing on a mountain plantation
about thirty miles from Cape Francois, were apprised of the revolt
by one of their own slaves, who was himself in the conspiracy, but
promised if possible to save the lives of his master and his family. Hav-
ing no immediate means of providing for their escape, he conducted
them into an adjacent wood ; after which he went and joined the re-
volters. The following night he found an opportunity of bringing
them provisions from the rebel camp. The second night he returned
again, with a further supply of provisions ; but declared it would be
out of his power to give them any further assistance. After this, they
saw nothing of the negro for three days ; but at the end of that time
he came again, and directed the family how to make their way to a
river which led to Port Margot, assuring them they would find a
canoe on a part of the river which he described. They followed his
directions ; found the canoe and got safely into it, but were overset
by the rapidity of the current, and after a narrow escape thought it
best to return to their retreat in the mountains. The negro, anxious
for their safety, again found them out, and directed them to a broader
part of the river, where he assured them he had provided a boat ; but
said it was the last effort he could make to save them. They went
accordingly, but not finding the boat, gave themselves up for lost.
4 THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICANS. |20
when the faithful negro again appeared like their guardian angel.
He brought with him pigeons, poultry, and bread j and conducted
the family by slow marches in the night along the banks of the river,
until they were within sight of the wharf at Port M argot ; when tell-
ing them they were entirely out of danger, he took his leave forever,
and went to join the rebels. The family were in the woods nineteen
nights." — History of St. Domingo, page 75.
Far be it from us to justify the bloody vengeance of the oppressed
in St. Domingo. The liberty of that island would have been, in our
opinion, more speedily obtained and its permanence better secured
had the colored people never struck a ^blow. At any rate, whether it
would have been so or not, they ought not to have drawn the sword,
But if we wish to study the moral character of the African race as
developed in the scenes of St Domingo, we must remember that the
horrible atrocities they perpetrated were taught them by their civil-
ized white masters, while their forbearance, magnanimity, good faith,
and moral heroism were all their own. The history of St. Domingo
from the first revolutionary commotions in 1789, up to the present
hour, is full of facts highly honorable to a people just emerging from
the savage state, and to humanity itself. Some of these, inscribed as
they are on the durable page of history, will be interesting to the
When the French, in 1802, invaded St. Domingo, for the purpose
of reducing the blacks to their ancient bondage, one of their first
acts, was the capture of Fort Dauphin, on the bay of Mancenille. A
large number of blacks were taken prisoners. Contrary to what are
called the laws of civilized warfare, they were all murdered, and the
bay was reddened with their blood. In retaliation, Dessalines, one of
the black chieftians, ordered the indiscriminate massacre of the white
planters in the valley of the Artibonite. Most dreadfully was he
" But," says the historian, " not all the blacks were so barbarous.
Many among them, moved by sentiments of gratitude, or of pity, saved
the lives of the unfortunate colonists. Some hid them in the country,
and nourished thsm by the chase, others conducted them by by-roads
into the districts occupied by the French. There were some, who,
in order not to awaken the suspicion of the pursuers, dressed the victims
in thick leaves, and passed them off as the actors of a drunken frolic. 5 '*
There is not perhaps on record an invasion more cruel, than that
which was made against St Domingo, under Le Clerc, certainly none
* Antoine Metral, Histoire de TExpSdition des Fransais, a Saint Domingue.
89] THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICANS. 5
more treacherous. When that general found that the wealth of the
colony was turned to cinders, and the blacks were still free in the
mountains, he sheathed his sword, and betook himself to negociation.
He proposed a peace, in which liberty and amnesty were solemnly guar-
antied to the blacks. It was accepted. But, the event proved that
the whole was only a stratagem to remove Toussaint Louverture, and
other chieftians, who had so successfully baffled the French arms.
No sooner, however, had the French army relaxed itself in this per-
fidious peace, than a pestilence broke out, which swept away twenty
thousand men. The blacks might easily have completed the destruc-
tion. What was their conduct ? The same historian says,
"The blacks still remained faithful to the peace to which they had
sworn; born under the torrid zone the contagion did not mingle its poison
in their boiling blood ; had they pleased, there would have been an end
of the expedition, but they believed it would be unworthy of them to
violate the peace, and owe their victory to the pestilence. Hence the
blacks faithfully guarded sea and land, and with that hospitality which
characterizes unsophisticated men, they received the sick into their
houses, and gave them unexpected succor ; they even wept over them,
no longer seeing in the French their enemies, but illustrious warriors
trampled under the feet of an inexorable destiny. Thus they banished
revenge, a sentiment terrible in the hearts of savages."
** * * * * * *
"In the silent streets of the Cape, marked by ruins, and in those of
Port au Prince, might be seen, going and returning, these benevolent
women [blacks] ; their compassion ran from one sick-bed to another, to
soften despair, to assuage suffering, and to struggle with the pestilence.
They spent day and night with the sick and dying, inhaling their fetid
and cadaverous breath. Seeing the impotence of the ordinary remedies,
they administered others, of which they had brought the secrets from
the deserts of Africa ; they had recourse also to their fetiches, the wor-
ship of which they customarily mingle with the practices of Christian-
ity ; thus they implored both their ancient and their new gods, to avert
the malady which was mowing down so many warriors. * *
u How many soldiers, captains and generals died or recovered, in
the care of these compassionate females, of whom the most had been
savages, either bond or free ! They had known the disease and they
relieved it. The army and fleet owed to them inestimable consolations ;
France owes them eternal gratitude for having taken this tender and
generous care of her children — the very men whom the consul [Napo-
leon Bonaparte] had sent to reduce St. Domingo, so far as possible, to
her ancient bondage. One shudders to think that in return for their
compassion, these unfortunate women were perhaps to receive chains."
pp. 121, 125.
A later period of this war afforded a remarkable instance of forbear
ance. The extreme South, in the neighborhood of Les Cayes, was
inhabited by many mulattoes who were rich, and notwithstanding pre-
6 THE HUMANITY OF THE AFRICO-AMERICANS. [30
judice, connected with the white planters by marriage. Long after the
treacherous peace had been thrown off by the colored people of the
north, these remained quiet and attached to the French. A body of
colored guards were maintained to keep the peace. But being suspected
by the whites of disaffection, they were taken on board a ship that lay
off the coast, and in one night all thrown overboard and drowned,
This cruel ingratitude aroused the people of color, and they flew to arms,
under a leader of their own, named Ferrou.
"After having raised the standard of revolt," says the historian,
"he gave the order to arrest all the [white] colonists, and to conduct
them safe and sound to the village of Coteaux, not far from the sea,
where his brethren had been caused to perish. The colonists expected
no clemency ; they scorned to resort to entreaty, and resigned them-
selves to their fate.
" Ferrou, in a fierce and bitter tone, addressed them as follows : ' Cruel
whites, you scrupled not to sacrifice to your hate, those, who upon this
soil, were your defenders, and your hope. How does it benefit us, to
be connected with you, by the sweet and sacred ties of nature? Our
women are your wives, and your mothers, yet without fear of being
parracides, you bathe your hands in our blood ! Standing here, I be-
hold the sea, where, in one fearful night, by the pale light of the stars,
half a battalion of our color were drowned. "What was their crime?
To serve you, and love you ! The winds and the waves returned us
their livid corpses. There were brothers, husbands, companions,
friends faithful in servitude, in war, and in liberty. Now, while a just
resentment commands us to sacrifice you, go, cross this blood-stained
sea, rejoin your brethren, and see in us your enemies, but not your
executioners.' Thus Ferrou, who knew how to bridle his passions,
caused them to embark for Les Cayes, against which he was about to
march by land." — Laujon, Precis historiqae, ^c. pp. 160, 161.
It is often said, that the blacks of St. Domingo, drove every white
from their island, making all who wore the European complexion, what-
ever might be their character, the objects of their fury. The untruth
of this common opinion is remarkably proved by a fact mentioned
in the "Present state of Hayti," by James Franklin, a work that was
written by the advice, and paid for with the money of the famous " West
India Committee," in London, — and hence not likely to speak any
good falsely of the poor blacks. A colony of Germans was settled
before the revolution in the neighborhood of Cape Nicholas Mole, who
cultivated their land only by free labor. In 1827, Franklin found them
enjoying peace and prosperity, and says of them, " These Germans
$nd their ancestors, seem to have resided in this part unmolested, dur-
ing the whole of the troubles of the revolution and rebellion ; and by
the leading chiefs, subsequent to those events, they have been respected
31] THE CONSISTENCY OF LAFAYETTE. 7
and protected," page 281. Bryan Edwards, who wrote in 1796, also
states that they were unmolested.
Many similar faGts, pertaining especially to our own country, are in
our possession, but must be deferred to a future occasion. It is worth
while, however, to remark, that such facts deveiope the sublimest qual-
ites of our common nature. They infinitely surpass all proofs of mere
force of intellect. Is it said they are rare among the blacks ? We ask,
then, how much more frequent are they among the whites ? Which
race, in proportion to its advantages, has produced the most of such
fruit ? We confess for ourselves, that if we were to look about for the
best proofs of the dignity of human nature, we should find many of
them among our poor, despised, colored brethren. Never have we
felt more deeply the force of the following remarks, of one of the most
eloquent men of this age, than when studying the character of the
Africo- Americans, in the light of their history, — not penned by them-
selves, be it remembered, but by their enemies.
"I cannot but pity the man, who recognizes nothing godlike in ms
nature. I see the marks of God in the heavens and the earth ; but
how much more in a liberal intellect, in magnanimity, in unconquera-
ble rectitude, in a philanthropy which forgives every wrong, and which
never despairs of the cause of Christ, and human virtue. I do and I
must reverence human nature. * * *
I know how it is despised, how it has been oppressed, how civil and
religious establishments have for ages conspired to crush it. I know
its history. I shut my eyes on none of its weaknesses and crimes.
I understand the proofs, by which despotism demonstrates that man is
a wild beast, in want of a master, and only safe in chains. But, in-
jured, trampled on, and scorned, as our nature is, I still turn to it with
intense sympathy and strong hope. The signatures of its origin, and
its end, are impressed too deeply to be ever wholly effaced. I bless it
for its kind affections, for its strong and tender love. I honor it for its
struggles against oppression, for its growth and progression under the
weight of so many chains and prejudices, forks achievements in science
and art, and still more for its examples of heroic and saintly virtue.
These are marks of a divine origin, and the pledges of a celestial in-
heritance ; and I thank God that my own lot is bound up with that of
the human race." — Channing.
THE CONSISTENCY OF LAFAYETTE.
How delightful the thought that this friend of our country, did not con-
fine his philanthropy, to any clime or color. The only grief he had for
America was, that her people were not all free. Had all the patriots
of the revolution cherished the same spirit, how much better would it
have been for our country to-day ! The following interesting remarks
8 THE CONSISTENCY OF LAFAYETTE. [32
we take from the " Recollections of the Private Life of General Lafay-
ette," just published by Leavitt, Lord, & Co., of this city.
" After the decisive campaign against Lord Cornwallis, in 1781, La-
fayette, on receiving the thanks of the State of Virginia, which had
particularly profited by his successes, replied, by the expression of a
wish, that liberty might be speedily extended to all men, without dis-
tinction. But, he was not contented with sterile wishes, and on his
return to France, flattering himself, like Turgot and Poivre, that the
gradual emancipation of the negroes, might be conciliated with the
personal interests of the colonists ; he was desirous of establishing the
fact by experience, and for that purpose, he tried a special experiment,
on a scale sufficiently large to put the question to the test. At that
period the Intendant of Cayenne, was a man of skill, probity, and ex-
perience, named Lescalier, whose opinions on the subject coincided
with those of Lafayette. Marshal de Cartries, the minister of the
Marine, not only consented to the experiment, but determined to aid
it by permitting Lescalier to try upon the king's negroes the new regime
projected. Lafayette had at first devoted one hundred thousand francs
to this object. He confided the management of the residence which he
had purchased at Cayenne, to a man distinguished for philosophy and
talent, named Richeprey, who generously devoted himself to the direc-
tion of the experiment. The Seminarists established a colony, and
above all the Abbe Farjon, the curate of it, applauded and encouraged
the measure. It is but justice to the colonists of Cayenne, to say, that
the negroes had been treated with more humanity there than else-
where. Richeprey's six months stay there, and the example set by
him, before he fell a victim to the climate, contributed still farther to
improve their condition. La Rochefoucault was to purchase another
plantation as soon as Richeprey's establishment had met with some
success, and a third would afterward have been bought by Malesherbes,
who took a cordial interest in the plan. The untimely death of Riche-
prey, the difficulty of replacing such a man, the departure of the In-
tendant, and a change in the ministry, threw obstacles in the way
of this noble undertaking.
" When Lafayette had been proscribed in 1792, the National Conven-
tion confiscated all his property, and ordered his negroes to be sold at
Cayenne, in spite of the remonstrances of Madame Lafayette, who
protested against the sale, observing, that the negroes had been pur-
chased, only to be restored to liberty after their instruction, and not to
be again sold as objects of trade and speculation. At a later period
all the negroes of the French colonies were declared free, by a decree
of the National Convention. It is nevertheless remarkable that some
of Lafayette's plans, with regard to the slave emancipation were real-
ized. Cayenne, the only one of our colonies in which the example set
by him, of instructing the negroes had been followed, was also the only
colony in which no disorders took place. Urged by gratitude, the ne-
groes of hi3 plantation declared to Richepreys successor, that if Lafay-
ette's property was confiscated, they would avail themselves of their
liberty ; but that in the opposite case they would remain and continue to
cultivate his estates. 11 Vol. I, page 149.
33] THE DISRUPTION OF FAMILY TIES. 9
It is obvious to remark, that Lafayette's experiment prevented troubles
in Cayenne, rather by its action upon the masters than the slaves. In
none of the colonies did troubles result from the act of immediate eman-
cipation, through the bad conduct of the emancipated. So far as they
were concerned that act rather appeased the troubles which before ex-
isted. Not so with the masters ; they professed to feel themselves
robbed, and, in all the colonies except Cayenne, resorted to violent
means to recover their lost property. In regard to the gradualism of
Lafayette, let it be observed, that his own experience, as well as that
of others, for fifty years, has proved the inefficacy and futility of the
doctrine. Now it would be madness in us, through a blind reverence
for his name, not to profit by his experience. Had Lafayette made free-
men of his slaves the moment they came into his possession, they could
not afterwards have been confiscated and sold, as a part of his property.
"VVe are constrained to admire the consistency of his benevolent feel-
ings towards the suffering slaves, but we have to deplore the incon-
sistency of his logic.
THE DISRUPTION OF FAMILY TIES.
Do the mothers of our land know that American slavery, both in
theory and practice is nothing but a system of tearing asunder the family
ties ? Lock at the map of the United States. Draw with your pen
a line dividing between the fertile lowlands of the coast and the south,
and the more sterile and mountainous uplands of the northern slave
states. On one side of this line the principal business by which wealth
is acquired is the breeding of slaves, to be driven over and worn out
upon the cotton, rice and sugar plantations on the other side. And
this trade takes ofT not usually whole families, but the young and the
strong. Not a slave mother does there live in the slave-breeding dis-
trict, who is not liable to lose her son or her daughter the moment
her master shall think it for his interest to sell. The character of the
master is poor security. Great men, honorable men, kind men, aye,
Christian men, so called, have sanctioned the traffic. The utmost of
their conscientiousness in the matter has been, to impose upon the
buyer the necessity of taking whole families ; but as this buyer may
sell again, and usually buys for that very purpose, who shall say that
/z-edoes not tear the child from its mother, the husband from his wife ?
But we are told these blacks do not care! they sing and dance as
before — they are hard and callous to the tender feelings that belong to
civilized life. Alas, it is the heart of this nation that is callous ! The
great God has planted in the heart of the mother an affection for her
offspring which floods cannot drown — under the trampling hoofs of
oppression it only grows the stronger. The fabric of human society
is reared on this very principle. "Has God made his foundation so
10 THE DISRUPTION OF FAMILY TIES. [34
weak that man may set it at nought ? No, the attempt to build the
wealth of a nation on the ruin of domestic ties, will fare worse than
that which was confounded on the plain of Shinar. God's foundation
stands sure, and the nation that despises it shall feel his wrath in all
The parental affection of the negro mother challenges comparison.
One of the most calumnious of the advocates of slavery, to whom we
referred on a preceding page, says, "It must, I think be admitted,
that the affections of the negro race are somewhat warm and unal-
loyed ; and in no instance are they so feelingly illustrated as in the
solicitude evinced by the negro for his offspring. To his children his
attachment is strong and inalienable ; and he displays it on leaving
his home with the greatest fervor, and on his return with every mark
of gratitude and joy." — James Franklin's Present State of Hayti, page
But why do we -speak of the negro mother? The principle belongs
to all sentient beings. The voice of the whole animate creation cries
out against this separtion of families, as treason against nature.
There is no brute-mother so stupid as not to cherish a tender regard
for her offspring during a certain period which the law of nature has
fixed. The difference between the brute and the rational animal is,
that in the latter, the affection lasts through life.
The reader will pardon us for the following extracts which well
illustrate the law of parental affection. The first is Humboldt's anec-
dote of The Mothers Rock. As the great traveller of South America
was ascending the Orinoco, his attention was arrested by a remark-
able rock which he thus describes.
** The Piedra de la Guahiba, or Piedra de la Madre commemorates
one of those acts of oppression, of which Europeans are guilty, in all
countries wherever they come in contact with savages. In 1797, the
Missionary of San Fernando, had led his people to the banks of the
Rio Guaviare on a hostile excursion. In an Indian hut they found a
Guahibo woman, with three children, occupied in preparing Cassava
flour. She and her little ones attempted to escape, but were seized
and carried away. The unhappy female repeatedly fled with her chil-
dren from the village, but was always traced by her Christian country-
men. At length, the friar, after causing her to be severely beaten,
resolved to separate her from her family, and sent her up the Atabipo,
towards the missions of the Rio Negro. Ignorant of the fate intended
for her, but judging from the direction of the sun, that her persecutors
were carrying her far from her native country, she burst her fetters,
leaped from the boat, and swam to the left bank of the river. She
landed on a rock ; but the president of the establishment ordered the
Indians to row to the shore and lay hands on her. She was brought
back in the evening, stretched upon the bare stone [Piedra de la Madre]
scourged with straps of mannatee leather, which are the ordinary whips
of the country, and then dragged to the mission of Javita, her hands
bound behind her back. It was the rainy season, the night was ex-
cessively dark, forests believed to be impenetrable stretched from that
station "to San Fernando, over an extent of eighty-six miles, and the
only communication between these places was by the river,- yet the
35] THE DISRUPTION OF FAMILY TIES, 11
Guahibo mother, breaking her bond3, and eluding the vigilance of her
guard.*, escaped under night, and on the fourth morning was seen at
the village, hovering around the hut which contained her children. On
this journey she mast have undergone hardships from which the most
robust man would have shrunk ; was forced to live upon ants, to swim
numerous streams, and to make her way through thickets and thorny
lianas. And the reward of all this courage and devotion was — her re-
moval to one of the missions of the Upper Orinoco, where, despairing
of ever seeing her beloved children, and refusing all kinds of nourish-
ment, she died, a victim to the bigotry and barbarity of wretches blas-
phemously calling themselves the ministers of a religion, which incul-
cates universal benevolence !" — Abridgment of Humboldt, in Harper's
Fam. Lib. p. 221.
The heart of every mother, and we think of many fathers, will bear
witness that the following lines are true, and no more than true, to na-
ture. We do not know a more touching illustration of that sacred
law which slavery scornfully set3 at nought They are from the Pelican
Island, by James Montgomery.
Love found that lonely couple on the isle,
And soon surrounded them with blithe companions ,*
The noble birds, with skill spontaneous framed
A nest of reeds, among the giant grass
That waved in lights and shadows o'er the soil,
There in sweet thraldom, yet un weening why,
The patient dam, who ne'er till now had known
Parental instinct, brooded o'er her eggs
Long ere she found the curious secret out,
That life was hid within their brittle shells :
Thus from a wild rapacious bird of prey,
Tamed by the gentle process, she became
That gentlest of all living things — a mother,
Gentlest while yearning o'er her tender young,
Fiercest when stirred by anger to defend them ;
Her mate himself the softening power confessed,
Forgot his sloth, restrained his appetite,
And ranged the sky, and rished the stream for her,
Or, when o'erwearied nature forced her off
To shake her torpid feathers in the breeze
And bathe her bosom in the cooling flood,
He took her place, and felt through every nerve,
While the plump nestlings throbbed against his heart,
The tenderness that makes the vulture mild ;
Y'ea. half unwillingly his post resigned,
When, home-sick with the absence of an hour,
She hurried back, and drove him from her seat
With pecking bill and cry ot fond distress,
Answered by him with murmurs of delight,
Whose gutturals harsh, to her were love's own music
Correction. In the History of the Slave James, printed in our
February No. a slight mistake occurred on the first page. Two of
James's sisters and a brother were sold by his young master, but he
himself was not sold. He was in the service of the Tilghman family
at the time of his escape.
Receipts Into the Treasury of the American A. S. So-
ciety from January 15th, to February 15th, 1836.
West Arlington, Vt., Dr. A. McKee, 3 00
Acton, Mass., Rev. J. G. Woodbury, per
S. J. May, 100 00
Amherst, Mass., by E. C. Pritchett, bal-
ance of pledge, 64 00
Dan vers, Mass., "Abner Sanger, per S. J.
May, 50 00
Fall River, " R. Dnrfee, ?l
N. Lenox, " James Judd, 9 oO
Stockbridge, " Dr. A. Ferry, 1 00
W. Stockbrigde " C. M. Lewis, 5 00
Abington, Conn., " Friends," per T. Hun-
tington, 6 25
East Haven, " Mrs. D. Hughes, 50
Hartford, " Silas Andrus, per R. G.
Williams, 100 00
Woodburv, " Nathaniel Pierce, 5 00
Perry, N. Y. , pledge of $200, by the Gen-
essee Co. Society, Josh. Andrews Jr.
of which $60 before acknowledged,
was contributed by Messrs. II. Phoenix,
S. F. Phoenix, and Joshua Andrews,
and $140,37 as under.
Arcade, N. Y. R. W. Lyman, 10 00
" " C O. Shepard, Esq. 10 00
Castile, " Rev. F. J. Bliss, 2 00
" " J. B. Hoisted, 5 00
" " W. Howard, 1 00
" " Lucas Janes, 1 00
" " J. G. True, 1 00
* " Ziba Hurd, 2 00
" Dr. G. Wells, 5 00
Covington, N. Y. Rev. £. Scovel, 5 00
Leroy, ' : Society by their Sec,
S. M. Gates, Esq. 25 00
.Lagrange, N. Y. Thos. Potwine, 1 25
" " W. Potwine. 1 25
" " D. Howard, 1 00
6 " Lorenzo Smith, 25
•* ■ F. T. Olney, 25
" " Daniel Rowley. 25
" " E. Witter, 50
" " W. H. Conklin 50
" Gideon Rood, 50
" Henry Bush, Jr. 50
« " Mrs. A. Bush, 50
M M C. Jones, 50
M " Henry Bush, 2 00
»« <• Cash 12
Perry, " Nathan Chidester, 2 00
H " E. C Bills, 2 00
'• " Calvin WaJdo, 50
" " Isaac Mace, 50
M " Silas Rawson, 5 00
■ " Russel Calkins, 3 00
•* " J. S. Lambright, 1 00
" Sydney Lapham, 1 00
Thomas Lapham, 1 00
John Calkins, 1' 00
Center, Dr. Jabez Ward, 5 00
Horace Goodale, 50
Rev. S. Gridley, 5 00
Pembroke, " C Freeman, 1 00
Wyoming, " E. Pomeroy, Esq. 5 00
Warsaw, " Dr. Augustus Frank, 10 00
" " F. C. D. McKay, 10 00
" « W. Chapin, 1 00
" " S. Fisher, 1 00
" " John Munger, 1 00
" » flewetKinne, 2 00
Warsaw, N. Y. John Windsor,
" " C. Bronson.
" " A. Gregg,
" " R. Chapin,
" D. Lee,
China, " C. O. Shepard, Esq.
Hamilton College, A. S. S., by J. R. Dixon
Orrington, N. Y. Joel Lee,
Rochester, " G. A. Avery, on acconut of
$500 pledge, by Monroe Co. Society.
Syracuse, N. Y. Seth Conklin,
Sandy Hill, " Monthly Concert,
Whitesboro. " Rev. G." W. Gale,
" ' " Rev. C. Stuart, per H.
Williamson, " J. B. per S. W. Bene-
dict & Co.
" " Congregational Society,
by J. Talbot,
Waterloo, " R. Elliott,
New- York City, Ladies' Society, per Mrs.
Lockwood, (.§100 being avails of work
by the young ladies' A. S. Sewing Soci-
" " A New- York Episcopalian,
" Ebenezer Jessup, Jr., Esq,
•* Arthur Tappan,
" John Rankin,
" Rev. E. Wheeler,
" Wm. LiUie,
" Miss Sarah Martin,
Philad. Penn. , Ladies A. S. S. by S. L.
York, " " Friends," per do.
" " and otlier places, per do.
Elyria, Ohio, Ladies A. S S. by Rev. J.
Franklin, " E.Williams,
" Female Friend,"
Granville, " A. S. S. by W. Whitney,
," 20 00
JOHN RANKIN, Treasurer,
No. 8 Cedar St
Monthly Collections received by the Publishing
Agent, from January 1st, to February 1st, 1836.
Brooklyn, Ct., by S. J. May, 2 25
China, N. Y. by W. R. Lyman, 10 00
Cincinnati, Ohio, H. Hall, 1 50
Farmington, Ohio, by D. Belden. Jr. 7 00
N. Y. Mills, N. Y. by Rev. L. H. Loss, 18 00
Newark, N. J. Dr. J. M. Ward, 2 00
Putnam, Ohio, by H C. Howell, 11 50
Perry Centre, N. Y. oy J. Andrews, 10 00
Perry, " by J. Sleeper, 5 00
Whiiestown, " by Thomas Beebe, 8 00
Warsaw, " by F. C. D. McKay, 10 CO
Received for Emancipator, 204 75
" " Human Rights, 70 57
" " Quarterly Magazine, 5S 06
" " A. S. Record, 15 75
u " Books, Pamphlets, Sea. 277 86
R. G. WILLIAMS,
Publishing Agent, 144 Nassau St
TO WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, ESQ., APRIL 16, 1792.
By William Cow per.
Thy country, Wilber force, with just disdain,
Hears thee by cruel men, and impious called
Fanatic, for thy zeal to loose the enthrall'd
From exile, public sale, and slavery's chain.
Friend of the poor, the wronged, the fetter-gall'd y
Fear not lest labors such as thine be vain.
Thou hast achieved a part ; hast gained the ear
Of Britain's Senate to thy glorious cause;
Hope smiles, joy springs, and the cold cautious pause
And weave delay, the better hour is near,
That shall remunerate thy toils severe
By peace for Afric, fenced with British laws.
Enjoy what thou hast won, esteem and love
From all the just on earth, and all the blest above.
"WE NO SEN', YOU NO COME."
Some years ago a number of Negroes, in Jamaica, escaped from
the cruel bondage of their task-masters ; and, retiring into an unin-
habited part of the island, built a little town, which they called, u We
no sen\ you no come." Here they lived some years peaceably, indus-
triously, and comfortably, upon the fruits of their labor ; having about
two hundred acres of land, thickly planted with provisions, in the
finest condition, with abundance of hogs and poultry. They thought
that, if they kept themselves at home, they could not be discovered ;
and if they did not meddle with others, others could not meddle with
them. However, in the year 1825, they were discovered by the
whites, who sent out an armed force against them, destroyed their
town and provision-grounds, and killed, took prisoners, or dispersed,
the whole of this happy and peaceable community.
A Shooting Excursion.
All donors to the funds of the American Anti- Slavery Society to the amount
of ten dollars or more a year, shall be entitled on application at the Society's
office, to one copy of each of the publications published by the Society ; and
each donor of five dollars and less than ten dollars, shall be entitled to receive
one copy of each of the periodical publications issued by the Society during
QUARTERLY ANTI-SLAVERY MAGAZINE.
This work is issued on the first days of October, January, April, and July.
Its plan comprises,
1. Original Essays on subjects connected with the Abolition of Slavery.
2. Reviews of works on such subjects.
3. Facts pertaining to the System of American Slavery, and our colored pop-
4. Anti-Slavery Intelligence from abroad.
5. Notices of works which relate to Slavery.
6. Interesting selections, in prose and verse.
7. A brief summary of the progress of the Abolition cause.
The price is one dollar a year, always in advance. Any individual remitting
five dollars free of postage, will receive six copies.
PUBLICATIONS OP THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
On the first week of each month is issued a small newspaper, entitled HUMAN
RIGHTS ; on the second week, the ANTI-SLAVERY RECORD ; on the third
week, the EMANCIPATOR, on an enlarged sheet ; and on the fourth week, the
SLAVE'S FRIEND. It is intended to distribute all these publications, so far as
the funds of the society will allow, gratuitously, to persons not known to bo
To support tliis system of distribution, the committee look to the liberality of
the friends of the oppressed, and invite them either to come forward with pledges
to pay certain sums to the Society's funds during the year, or to purchase the
publications at the following prices. The numerous abolitionists throughout ths
country are also incited to purchase the publications for their own use.
RICE OF THE PUBLICATIONS.
Single copy, 25 cent* per annum.
Twenty copies to one address, $3 50, or 17 1-2 cents each per annum.
Forty copies to one address, $5 00, or 12 1-2 cents each per annum.
Eighty copies to one address, $8 00, or 10 cents each per annum.
Single copy, 25 cents per annum.
Twenty-five copies to one address, $5 00, or 20 cents each per annum.
Fifty-five copies to one add/ess, $10 00, or 18 1-9 cents each per annum.
One hundred copies to one address, $15 00, or 15 cents each per annum.
They will also be sold at the office at $1 25 per hundred, and sent to subscri-
bers to the Society's funds according to the plan below.
Single copy, 50 cents per annum.
Sixteen copies to one address, $5 00, or 31 1-4 cents each per annum.
Forty copies to one address, $10 00, or 25 cents each per annum.
One hundred copies to one address, $20 00, or 20 cents each per annum.
Single number, 1 cent. A hundred numbers, 80 cents.
A dozen numbers, 10 cents. A thousand numbers, $6 50.
Payment is to be made in all cases in advance, free of postage.
QUARTERLY SUBSCRIPTION PLAN.
The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society propose the
following plan for raising funds.
1. They invite every abolitionist to give something to the Society steadily, by
becoming a regular subscriber to its funds.
2. While large sums are requested of such as are able to give them, they would
invite each person *o pledge the payment of at least $1 50 a year, in quarterly
instalments, which will entitle them to one number of the Record per month.
3. They recommend to their auxiliaries to appoint individuals who shall collect
this subscription, and pay it over as directed below.
4. In places where no auxiliary Society exists, they request persons who are
willing to pledge themselves to raise a certain amount, to act as collectors.
5. The quarterly collections should be remitted, without delay, by mail. This
conveyance is almost perfectly safe, and the use of the money for one week, in
this advancing cause, is worth more than the postage.
6. To every person who becomes a collector, and pledges himself to remit a
certain amount quarterly, a package of the Anti-Slavert Record will be sent
monthly, sufficient to supply each subscriber with one number for every 12 1-2
cents of his subscription. Or, If preferred, it will be sent by mail to the individual
subscribers, tlfeir names and post-office address being forwarded in a plain hand.
%* No Records will be forwarded after the expiration of each quarter, until
the subscriptions are received.
CORRESPONDENCE OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
Donations should be remitted to M*. John Rankin, Treas'r, 8 Cedar st< N. Y.
All business letters in regard to the publications or remittances on the Monthly
Subscription Plan, should be addressed to Mr. R. G. Williams, Publishing Agent,
144 Nassau street, New- lork.
Other letters, and communications to be inserted in any of the publications,
should be addressed to E. Wright, Jr. Secretary for Domestic Correspondence,
J 44 Nassau street* New-Yoik.